ALEXANDRIA, VA — The health care program now being considered
by the Congress has many problems. The Congressional Budget Office
(CBO) judges that the House version would cut the number of uninsured
from 46 million in 2007 to l7 million in 20l9. But the cost would
be $l trillion over the decade. Of that, $239 billion would be added
to the budget deficit. In 20l9, the projection’s last year, the
cumulative shortfall would be $65 billion.
Economist Paul Samuelson, author of The Great
Inflation and its Aftermath, notes that, “Assuming that the deficit rises 4 percent a year,
the cumulative shortfall in the second decade would total about $800
billion. The president... offers the illusion of reform while perpetuating
the status quo of four decades.”
Senator Kent Conrad (D-ND), chairman of the Senate Budget Committee,
posed the following question to Douglas Elmendorf, head of the CBO: “From
what you have seen from the product of the committees that have reported,
do you see a successful effort being mounted to bend the long-term
cost curve?” Mr. Elmendorf replied: “No, Mr. Chairman.
In the legislation that has been reported, we do not see the sort of
fundamental changes that would be necessary to reduce the trajectory
of health spending by a significant amount. And on the contrary, the
legislation significantly expands the federal responsibility for health-care
costs... The cost curve is being raised.”
The plan under consideration would do the opposite of what President
Obama has suggested. It would increase spending rather than restrain
it. The notion of rushing through a program of this magnitude without
careful debate and analysis — the President's initial hope — has
now been widely rejected.
Aside from the question of cost is the more important moral question
of whether the proposed government program would involve the rationing
of health care, and how elderly and disabled persons might fare under
such a regime.
The recent heated town hall meetings — with vigorous opponents often
appearing more interested in disrupting the meetings than in raising
important questions — have produced an equally disquieting reaction
from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-MD).
In an article in USA Today, Hoyer referred to protests against
the healthcare plan as “un-American.” Some charges — such
as that by former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin that the proposed legislation
involves the creation of “death panels” to determine who
will live and who will die — tend to overstate their case.
Still, there are legitimate questions to be asked about the question
of rationing health care and about the fear of euthanasia as a possible
option to cut costs. This fear is not irrational. Writing in The
New York Times Magazine, Professor Peter Singer of Princeton University
entitles his article, “Why We Must Ration Health Care.” He
points out that President Obama has urged his supporters to avoid using
the term “rationing” for fear of evoking a hostile response.
Professor Singer has no such reticence.
He writes: “Governments implicitly place a dollar value on
a human life when they decide how much is to be spent on health care
programs and how much on other public goods.... The task of health
care bureaucrats is... to get the best value for the resources they
have been allocated... As a first take, we might say that the good
achieved by health care is the number of lives saved. But that is too
crude. The death of a teenager is a greater tragedy than the death
of an 85-year-old, and this should be reflected in our priorities.
We can accommodate that difference by calculating the number of life-years
saved, rather than simply the number of lives saved. If a teenager
can be expected to live another 70 years, saving her life counts as
a gain of 70 life-years, whereas if a person of 85 can be expected
to live another 5 years, then saving the 85-year-old will count as
a gain of only 5 life-years. That suggests that saving one teenager
is the equivalent of saving l4 85-year-olds.”
Referring to the notion of a quality-adjusted-life-year (QALY), Singer
describes “a year with quadriplegia is valued at only half as
much as a year without it, then a treatment that extends the lives
of people without disabilities will be seen as providing twice the
value of one that extends, for a similar period, the lives of quadriplegics.”
A Washington Post reporter recently asked Rabbi Daniel Zemel of Washington,
D.C., what he thought about federal agencies putting a dollar value
on human life. The rabbi cited a Jewish teaching explaining that
if one human life were placed on one side of a scale, and the rest
of the world were placed on the other side, the scale would be balanced
equally. This, perhaps, is precisely what those who resist health care
rationing think.
In an April 28 interview in The New York Times, the President spoke
of having the government guide “a very difficult democratic conversation” about “those
toward the end of their lives who are accounting for potentially 80
percent of the total of the health care bill out here.”
Presidential health care adviser Ezekiel Emanuel, brother of White
House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel and chairman of the Department of
Bioethics at the Clinical Center at the National Institutes of Health,
has argued that independent government boards should decide policy
on end-of-life care. He also has defended rationing care more strictly
for older people because “allocation (of medical care) by age
is not invidious discrimination.”
House Republicans have warned against draft section l233 of the House
Democratic health care bill as an area of deep concern. It provides “advance
care planning consultation” for “end-of-life services” for
seniors every five years. House Minority Leader John Boehner of Ohio
and Rep. Thaddeus McCotter (R-MI) warn that the provision “may
start us down a treacherous path toward government-encouraged euthanasia.” There
is now talk of removing this provision, but the intent of its authors
seems clear.
Ezekiel Emanuel goes so far as to say that it will be necessary to
change the way doctors think about their patients. Doctors, he
said, take the Hippocratic oath (“First do no harm”) too
seriously, “as an imperative to do everything for the patient
regardless of the cost or effects on others” (Journal
of the American Medical Association, June l8, 2008). Emanuel says medical
care should be reserved for the non-disabled, not given to those “who
are... prevented from being or becoming participating citizens” (Hastings
Center Report, November-December l996).
Government cost controls should not have a role in the decision to
deny care at the end of life — or at other times. Clearly,
it is not irrational to be concerned about the plight of elderly and
disabled persons under a rationed health-care system that many seem
to be promoting. The more we know about these plans, the less likely
Americans will be to embrace them.
The Conservative Curmudgeon archives
The Conservative Curmudgeon is copyright © 2009
by Allan C. Brownfeld and the Fitzgerald
Griffin Foundation.
All rights reserved. Editors may use this column if this copyright information
is included.
Allan C. Brownfeld is the author of five books, the latest of which
is The Revolution Lobby (Council for Inter-American Security). He has
been a staff aide to a U.S. Vice President, Members of Congress, and
the U.S. Senate Internal Subcommittee.
He is associate editor of The Lincoln Reveiw and a contributing
editor to such publications as Human Events,
The St. Croix Review, and The Washington Report on Middle
East Affairs.
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