The role of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) —
which presents itself as reflecting the views of American Jews — in
the 2008 presidential election campaign is coming under increasingly
critical scrutiny.
A host of political leaders of both parties, including Senators John
McCain and Barack Obama, addressed attendees at its annual meeting
in June. One of Governor Sarah Palin’s first meetings as the
Republican vice presidential candidate was with representatives of
AIPAC. In fact it was so important to her handlers that they cancelled
a scheduled appearance by Governor Palin at Phyllis Schlafly's annual
convention.
“Once a year, the Israel lobby in Washington known as AIPAC
holds its annual convention where anyone who is anyone in the political
world comes to render fealty, rather than homage,” writes Arnaud
de Borchgrave, editor-at-large of The Washington
Times. “Anyone
who doesn’t pass the litmus test can forget about becoming president
of the United States, or senator or even congressman... The lobby,
reputedly Washington's most powerful… ensures that anything
Israel wants or needs gets quick action on the Hill. That covers anything
from $3 billion a year for the next l0 years for modern weaponry to
soft loans for building the $2.5 billion physical barrier between Israelis
and Palestinians, and under the radar the steady expansion of Jewish
settlements in the West Bank.”
Both Senators McCain and Obama told AIPAC exactly what it wanted to
hear. The latter went so far as to declare that, “Jerusalem will
remain the capital of Israel, and it must remain undivided.” The
reaction to Obama’s statement was negative throughout the Middle
East. Moreover, it is in opposition to long-standing U.S. policy, which
holds that the status of Jerusalem is to be negotiated between Israelis
and Palestinians. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas responded: “This
statement is totally rejected. We will not accept a Palestinian state
without having Jerusalem as the capital.” Even some Israeli
analysts suggested that Obama had staked out a position beyond that
of the current leadership. Within 24 hours, Obama backtracked, saying
that the final status of Jerusalem “is going to be up to the
partners to negotiate.”
The AIPAC meeting also featured bellicose anti-Iran statements. Leading
neoconservative Richard Perle urged that Iran be placed on the terrorist
hit list. Senator McCain told the AIPAC audience that, if elected president,
he would drastically ramp up financial pressure on Iran’s rulers
by targeting the country's gasoline imports and imposing sanctions
against its central bank. Senator Obama presented an equally firm position.
Journalist and blogger Philip
Weiss, who is
writing a book about Jewish issues, attended the AIPAC meeting and
reported on it for The American Conservative. In his article, “Looking
Into the Lobby,” he writes that Senator Obama's speech “became
the annual example the conference provides of a powerful man truckling.
Two years ago, it was Vice President Cheney’s red-meat speech
attacking Palestinians. Last year, it was Pastor John Hagee’s
scary speech saying that giving the Arabs any part of Jerusalem was
the same as giving it to the Taliban. Obama took a similar line. He
suggested that he would use force to stop Iran from getting nuclear
weapons, made no mention of Palestinian human rights, and said that
Jerusalem ‘must remain undivided,’ a statement so disastrous
to the peace process that his staff rescinded it the next day.... It
would be hard to imagine a more naked exhibition of political power:
a convention of 7,000... people, with more than half the Congress in
attendance, as well as all the major presidential candidates, the prime
minister of Israel, the minority leader, the majority leader and the
speaker of the House. Yet there is precious little journalism about
the spectacle in full.”
For more than 30 years, Weiss declares, AIPAC has supported Israel’s
policy of expanding into the West Bank and has had a dramatic impact
upon U.S. policy: “In l975, when President Ford wanted to reassess
Mideast policy over Israeli intransigence, he was cut off at the knees
by an AIPAC letter signed by 76 senators. Then in l989, when James
Baker went before AIPAC and told them to give up their idea of a Greater
Israel including the West Bank, George H.W. Bush received a letter
of anger signed by 94 senators. In both instances, AIPAC was hewing
to the Israeli government line and nullifying American policymaking....”
In Weiss’ view, “The great sadness here is that American
Jewry is the most educated, most affluent segment of the public. Yet
on this issue there is little independent thinking. The obvious question
is whether they don’t have dual loyalty. As a Jew, I feel uncomfortable
using the phrase, given its long history, but the facts are inarguable.
Leon Wieseltier of The New Republic speaks of everything ‘we’ should
do to make peace with the Palestinians, then corrects himself to say
what Israel should do. Speaker after speaker says that Israel is in
our hearts. People who emigrate to Israel are applauded, and when the
national anthems are played, one cantor sings ‘The Star Spangled
Banner,’ but the ‘Hatikvah’ has two cantors belting
it out, with the audience roaring along.”
Often when political candidates address Jewish forums, they assume
that the way to appeal to Jewish voters is to take the most extreme
possible position on behalf of Israel. This, of course, is the idea
promoted so effectively by AIPAC. However, most American Jews do not
share this perspective. In a survey of American Jewish opinion conducted
by the American Jewish Committee, respondents were asked about the
issues that will determine their presidential vote this year. A strong
plurality of 42 percent picked either “economy and jobs” or “health
care,” the two domestic choices offered. By contrast, only 36
percent picked one of the three Middle East-related options: the war
in Iraq (l6 percent), terrorism and national security (l4 percent),
or support for Israel (6 percent).
The notion that Jewish voters are waiting for a stamp of approval
from self-proclaimed “leaders” of a “pro-Israel” seal
of approval on particular candidates bears no relationship to reality.
Even those Jews who focus on U.S. Middle East policy share a variety
of views, hardly those represented by AIPAC. Recently, a new political
action and lobbying group known as JStreet has been established to
counter the influence of organizations such as AIPAC. In a full-page
ad in The New York Times (June 23, 2008), JStreet declared: “When
Israel goes to war, supporters rally. When Israel negotiates, why the
deafening silence? A new cease-fire has been brokered between Israel
and Hamas. Israel and Syria are quietly resuming diplomatic contacts.
Israel is offering talks with Lebanon, and Israeli and Palestinian
leaders are negotiating to establish two states living side by side
in peace and security. These efforts may or may not succeed. But they
are designed to enhance Israel’s security, the region’s
stability, and to bring peace closer. And they deserve our support.
If Israel had gone to war this week, established pro-Israel organizations
would have rallied to its side.... Let’s have the courage to
support Israel loudly and clearly when it pursues security through
diplomacy.”
David Kimche, a former director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry
and a supporter of JStreet, outlined the need for an alternative in
The Jerusalem Post: “AIPAC has become more militant than the
Israeli government.”
Many Israelis view AIPAC as a negative and counterproductive influence
and have joined JStreet's advisory council. One of these is Daniel
Levy, who was part of the Israeli delegation to the January 200l Taba
Summit. “The mainstream pro-Israel camp,” he states, “has
decided so brazenly to throw its lot in with neoconservative ideologues
within this administration and with the far right Christian Zionists,
and this unholy triangle has pulled things so much to the right-wing
direction that we are desperately in need of a corrective.”
The fact is that AIPAC does not in any way speak for the vast majority
of Jewish Americans. As the 2008 campaign proceeds, AIPAC’s role
should be carefully examined. To the extent that AIPAC’s influence
is diminished, the chance to develop a constructive U.S. policy that
leads both Israelis and Palestinians to a meaningful peace is enhanced.
The Conservative Curmudgeon archives
The Conservative Curmudgeon is copyright © 2008
by the Fitzgerald Griffin Foundation, www.fgfBooks.com.
All rights reserved. Editors may use this column if this copyright information
is included.
Allan C. Brownfeld is the author of five books, the latest of which
is The Revolution Lobby (Council for Inter-American Security). He has
been a staff aide to a U.S. Vice President, Members of Congress, and
the U.S. Senate Internal Subcommittee.
He is associate editor of The Lincoln Reveiw and a contributing
editor to such publications as Human Events,
The St. Croix Review, and The Washington Report on Middle
East Affairs.
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